Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies (2024)

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Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: The Scholars' Initiative

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Charles Ingrao

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Times of Reckoning: History, Evidence and Truth-making after Yugoslavia

The idea that we are in a " post-truth " era is lately on everyone's lips. The popular, scholarly and comedic analyses of Donald Trump's ambivalent relationship to facticity would already fill volumes. 1 Yet the instability of meaning and the uncomfortable fit between denotational content and interpretive frameworks are not new phenomena. As I've written about elsewhere, such " semiotic indeterminacy " has been central to social movement organizing and coalition building for a long time. 2 And as sociolinguists, literary analysts and others have long argued, the slippery and contextual relationship between truth and image, sign and referent is one of the most productive features of human communication. Indeed, it might be argued that it is the keystone of sociality itself. Legal institutions, and in particular International Criminal Tribunals, are especially interesting in thinking through the current status of " truth " because they take this slipperiness of meaning head on. In an age in which the rapid circulation of texts and images make interpretative work all the more challenging, these judicial bodies are organized to turn facts into narrative, and narrative into justice. This is by no means a simple process. It requires legal and non-legal actors to turn contested stories and affectively laden experiences into recognizable objects of intervention. International criminal tribunals are famously fact-intensive affairs, requiring exhaustive documentation of what happened, when, and where. This process is particularly contested when different actors use competing strategies to represent historical evidence because history itself is a political and discursive battlefield. This was without question the case in the wars and subsequent trials of Yugoslav Succession. What often goes unremarked or unanalyzed are the temporalities of such legal strategies. The way in which criminal tribunals make sense of facticity requires certain logics of time and causation in establishing criminal culpability. In this post, I briefly compare the use of historical narrative at the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and Serbian feminist activist practices of bearing witness and public protest. I suggest that prosecutors use historical narratives to structure a particular relationship between past, present and future: history became evidence for criminal culpability in ways that gave sense and shape to the goal of transitional justice. On the other hand, feminist activists used documentation and protest to bring and hold the past in the present as the basis for an ongoing project of truth-making and justice. These two strategies rest on very different conceptualizations of the relationship between time and space and the kind of ethical actions these relationships make possible.

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The author analyses the discourse about Kosovo in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) during the 1980s. During these years, Serbian media developed several stereotypes to discredit the political leaders of BiH and accuse them of fomenting unrest in Kosovo. The author assesses these stereotypical depictions as well as the response of the Islamic Community and political leadership in BiH to these accusations. He asks what the attitude of Serbia's political elite towards BiH was, and what role the Serbian political leadership played in the media attacks. He then investigates the evolution of the BiH leadership's stances towards the events in Kosovo between the beginning and the end of the 1980s. And finally, through a close reading of session minutes and media, he assesses the increasingly deviating views of the BiH political leaders vis-á-vis the situation in Kosovo.

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Dealing with the Past in the Western Balkans, edited by Martina Fischer and Ljubinka Petrovic-Ziemer, Berghof Report 18, 2013, Berlin: Berghof Foundation. (Online at www.berghof-foundation.org)

Martina Fischer

This publication is co-edited by Martina Fischer and Ljubinka Petrovic-Ziemer and presents results of the research project “Dealing with the Past and Peacebuilding in the Western Balkans. Studying the interplay of international and local initiatives for Transitional Justice and Reconciliation in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia and Croatia”. The project was funded by the German Foundation Peace Research in the period March 2010–April 2012. The project was conducted by Martina Fischer and Ljubinka Petrović-Ziemer with contributions by Srđan Dvornik (Zagreb), Katarina Milićević (Belgrade), and Ismet Sejfija (Sarajevo/Tuzla). The study investigates initiatives for reconciliation and “dealing with the past” which were undertaken by international organisations, legal institutions and local civil society actors in response to the wars in the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s. The coherence of objectives and strategies and their implications for peacebuilding, forms of cooperation and learning experiences, and the political resonance of the various approaches were a particular focus of interest. The research concentrated on Bosnia-Herzegovina, Serbia and Croatia, which are linked by their history of ethnopolitical conflict and are signatory states to the Dayton Peace Agreement (1995), under which they committed to cooperate in order to overcome the effects of war. The inter-country case study was carried out with input from local partners from civil society organisations and academic institutions. In all, 150 interviews were conducted in 28 municipalities.

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Bilić and Janković (eds.) Resisting the Evil: (Post-)Yugoslav Anti-War Contention, Baden-Baden, Nomos, 2012

Vesna Jankovic

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Yugoslavia from the Beginning to the End

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Ana Panic, Ivana Dobrivojevic Tomic, Jovo Bakić

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Disabling Ethnic Politics: Controversies of Scholarship and Challenges of Intervention in the former Yugoslavia

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Andrew Gilbert

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Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies (2024)

FAQs

Do people regret breakup of Yugoslavia? ›

Only 4% of Serbs think that the break-up of Yugoslavia was beneficial for their country, while just 6% of Bosniaks and 15% of Montenegrins feel positive about the split. In Croatia, 55% of respondents saw the break-up as beneficial and just 23% as harmful.

Who was in the wrong in the Yugoslav wars? ›

Numerous war crimes were committed by Serbian military and Serbian paramilitary forces during the Yugoslav Wars. The crimes included massacres, ethnic cleansing, systematic rape, crimes against humanity.

What went wrong with Yugoslavia? ›

The varied reasons for the country's breakup ranged from the cultural and religious divisions between the ethnic groups making up the nation, to the memories of WWII atrocities committed by all sides, to centrifugal nationalist forces.

What was the worst violence occurred in the former Yugoslavian country? ›

On 19 June 1992, the war in Bosnia broke out, though the Siege of Sarajevo had already begun in April after Bosnia and Herzegovina had declared independence. The conflict, typified by the years-long Sarajevo siege and the Srebrenica genocide, was by far the bloodiest and most widely covered of the Yugoslav wars.

Do croatians and Serbians like each other? ›

They share a complicated relationship marked by differences in religion, politics, culture, and a variety of bilateral issues. With 241 kilometers of common border, the two states have multiple border disputes, namely around the Danube river and the islands of Šarengrad and Vukovar.

Is it safe to go to former Yugoslavia? ›

While ex-Yugoslavia has been a trouble spot for many years, it is completely safe nowadays. Moreover, it's a great alternative to expensive Mediterranean holidays destinations like the Côte d'Azure or Sardinia, and also one with less tourists.

Why do Serbia and Albania hate each other? ›

Yugoslav Wars

After NATO's bombing campaign in Kosovo, Albania supported them which resulted in FR Yugoslavia breaking diplomatic relations with Albania.

Do Slovenia and Serbia get along? ›

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 9 December 2000. Serbia has an embassy in Ljubljana. Slovenia has an embassy in Belgrade. Both countries are full members of the Central European Initiative and of the Southeast European Cooperative Initiative.

Why did the Serbs hate the Bosniaks? ›

The root of the problem was that the Orthodox Serbs were trying to exact revenge for actions committed by the Ottoman Turkish Empire in the past, and they considered the Bosnian Muslims to be a remnant of the Ottoman Empire.

Why was Yugoslavia so poor? ›

The occupation and liberation struggle in World War II left Yugoslavia's infrastructure devastated. Even the most developed parts of the country were largely rural, and the little industry of the country was largely damaged or destroyed.

What is Yugoslavia called today? ›

On 4 February 2003, following the adoption and promulgation of the Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro by the Assembly of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the official name of " Federal Republic of Yugoslavia" was changed to Serbia and Montenegro.

Who was to blame for the war in Yugoslavia? ›

There was certainly enough responsibility to go around. . . . But in the end the primary responsibility for the Yugoslav catastrophe must rest with the Serbs and their elected leader Slobodan Milošević. It was Milošević whose bid for power drove the other republics to leave.

Why were the Yugoslav Wars so brutal? ›

Milošević and his allies decided to create a new, more compact Yugoslavia. It was this goal that drove the radicalization of ethnic separatism in Croatia and Bosnia and was behind the cartographic fantasies of redrawing borders and the violent ethnic cleansing of territory in these republics.

Who committed the most war crimes in Yugoslavia? ›

Although Serbs are seen by many observers as the main culprits, Croats and Muslims also committed substantial numbers of war crimes during the conflict.

Who were the bad guys in the Yugoslav Wars? ›

The Serbs were the aggressors, no doubt about that, but there were some very bad actors among the Bosnians and particularly the Croats. Zagreb was kind of a creepy place to be because of the government's relentless, hyper-nationalistic propaganda. Actually it did have rather a Fascist tinge to it.

What were the effects of the breakup of Yugoslavia? ›

The breakup resulted in vast migrations of former Yugoslavs from their republic of origin to the post-Yugoslav republic with which they more strongly ethno-nationally identified or in which they felt safer. Within the Balkans, accommodating refugees had significant socio-economic impacts.

How many people want Yugoslavia back? ›

But 30 years on, many still hold deep affection for the country that no longer exists and regret its dissolution. In Serbia, 81% say they believe the breakup was bad for their country. In Bosnia, which was always the most multicultural of the republics, 77% share that sentiment.

Is Yugoslavia reunification possible? ›

Could Yugoslavia ever reunify? Short answer : No. Long answer : From a foreign point of view, it's very unlikely it ever happen in our lifetime. WW2 left some deep scars between Serbs and Croats, because of the attempted genocide perpetrated by the Ustashi pro-Nazi regime toward Serbs.

Why was Yugoslavia so important? ›

This country was located in the strategic Balkan Peninsula and prevented USSR from reaching the Mediterranean. Having played an important role in the past, Yugoslavia's location now grew to play an even more important role as it was effectively serving as a buffer zone between the two blocks (Pribicevic, 1995).

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